“Why hasn’t anyone said ‘fuck yeah the guy is dead, Lee Kuan Yew was a horrible person’.. because everyone is scared, everyone is afraid that if they say something like that they might get into trouble which, give Lee Kuan Yew credit, that was primarily the impact of his legacy, but I’m not afraid, so if Lee Hsien Loong wishes to sue me, I will oblige to dance with him.” - (Yee 2015)
Amos Yee, a 16 year old Singaporean, made the news when four days after the death of the country’s founding father, he uploaded a video entitled ‘Lee Kuan Yew is finally dead!’ (See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TZPdM3xn24). In 8 minutes and 39 seconds Yee discusses his reasons for detesting the late former prime minister, compares him to Jesus whilst attacking Christianity and uses a string of statistics to demonstrate why he believes the country is severely unequal despite its MEDC status. Following the upload, multiple police reports were filed against Yee who was later arrested.
The death of Lee Kuan Yew resonated loudly across the country, although sadness was felt among Singaporeans, it was also clear that a huge sense of pride for their short but impressive history was further invoked. Moreover, both the young and old were heavily affected by his passing. Respects were paid online and in person as citizens queued up at the Padang to see Lee Kuan Yew in the days before the state funeral, which took place on the 29th of March at my host university.
Many have commented online about the situation involving Amos Yee, suggesting that the government’s choice to arrest him actually enabled him to prove his point. In a post I wrote last year I looked at Singapore’s rank in the Reporters Without Borders’ world press freedom index; this year Singapore ranked 153rd out of 180 countries (Abernethy 2015). What’s more it has not been uncommon for people producing online content critiquing the Singapore government to be prosecuted (Abernethy 2015). Aside from demonstrating the lack of freedom of speech in Singapore, the criminalisation of Amos Yee raises questions as to why the government felt so threatened by the opinions of a 16 year old. It must be said that his commentary was slightly distasteful at times and his comments made against Christianity have caused offence, yet his arrest perhaps demonstrates the government’s growing fears of a grass roots rebellion against the state.
Whether agreeing or disagreeing with Amos Yee’s opinions, most people would ascertain that he has a right to voice them. Singapore has come a tremendous way in the past 50 years and the country owes a lot to their late founding father, however, the city’s future may be limited in many ways if people’s right to speak freely is not granted.
Abernethy, L (2015) Singapore teenager charged over critical Lee Kuan Yew Video, The Guardian, [Online], 31 March, [Accessed 26 April 2015], Available from: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/31/singapore-teenager-amos-yee-pang-sang-charged-critical-lee-kuan-yew-video
Wang, L (2015) Amos Yee – Lee Kuan Yew is Finally Dead!, [Online], [Accessed 26 April 2015], Available from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TZPdM3xn24 *
* The original video posted on Amos Yee’s Youtube channel has been taken down.
Monday, 27 April 2015
Sunday, 26 April 2015
Fertility policies in Singapore and their biopolitical agendas
Further to my post on the significance of deathscapes in Singapore (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/02/bukit-brown-chinese-cemetery.html), I have decided to explore the role that the government's biopolitical agendas have had in shaping Singapore’s fertility policies over the years.
Women’s bodies, some argue, have become sites of reproduction where over-fertility can lead to overpopulation and under-fertility is linked to an ageing population. Both problems have been addressed in Singapore over the past 50 years. Schemes and policies have ranged from being pro to anti-natalist, they have involved educational and financial incentives and have targeted different socioeconomic groups. Certain policies have been highly contested and as a result were stopped.
Wong and Yeoh (2003) identified the years 1966-1982 as the anti-natalist phase. This era was characterised by rapid development, where the city-state’s main aim was to ‘improve the standards of living’ (Wong and Yeoh 2003:6). Slogans such as 'Take your time to say yes' were used to encourage couples to delay their weddings and not rush to start a family. Benefits were offered to parents who had voluntarily been sterilised and there was a general push for couples to stop after two children (See: http://www.sgpolitics.net/picsarchive03/girls.jpg) The government’s desire for Singapore to enter the global arena (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/04/what-if-singapore-had-not-become-world.html) meant that they were trying to attract foreign investment and talent whilst simultaneously coping with housing shortages. As a result, the Singapore Family Planning and Population Board was primarily focused on reaching 0 population growth.
The next phase, known as the Eugenics, occurred from 1983-1986. As women’s rights gradually began to mirror men’s there was a concern that educated women were starting families later or worse still, not reproducing. Following the belief that ‘intelligence is genetically inherited’, the former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was fearful for Singapore’s prospects as the less educated and less intelligent were having the majority of children (Wong and Yeoh 2003:8). In 1984 the ‘Graduate Mother Scheme’ was initiated (Family and Life 2014). Highly educated women who had 3 children or more were entitled to tax relief and access to the country’s best schools, at the same time, a $10000 incentive was offered to women below 30 with no ‘O’ levels if they chose to be sterilised after their first or second child (Wong and Yeoh 2003:9). As you read through these policies it’s hard to not be shocked that such blatant favouritism was being planned. The policy would not only have separated less and highly educated members of society, but also would have contributed to racial segregation as it was widely known that the Chinese were generally more highly educated. The policy was abolished in the same year as members of the public complained about its discriminatory stance (Family and Life 2014).
As fears of an ageing population loom large over Singapore, more recent policies have been pro-natalist and there are many housing policies that aid married couples (Wong and Yeoh 2003:17). First time HDB buyers are allowed to rent whilst waiting for their flat to be built, this is to encourage couples to start having children sooner rather than having to wait for their new homes. The government has also introduced tax rebates for couples with 2-4 children.
This brief overview of Singapore’s policies also highlights how gendered population control can be. For example, it seems that there is an underlying thought that a problem was created once women gained equal rights in the work place. However, it would be unfair to place the burden of fertility rates solely on women who have every right to a full-time career. It must also be mentioned that policies take on the assumption that all Singaporeans will conform to the traditional notion of family. There is little attention paid to single-parent households and homosexual couples who adopt or have children. Overall, however, we can see how Singapore has used fertility policies to benefit the economy and the country’s rapid development.
Family and Life (2014) 'Singapore Fertility Story', [Online], [Accessed 25 April 2015] Available from: http://familyandlife.sg/Slice/2014/06/Singapore_Fertility_Story
Wong T and B. S. A Yeoh (2003) 'Fertility and the Family: An Overview of Pro-natalist Population Policies in Singapore', AsiaMeta Centre Research Paper Series, 12, 1-26.
Women’s bodies, some argue, have become sites of reproduction where over-fertility can lead to overpopulation and under-fertility is linked to an ageing population. Both problems have been addressed in Singapore over the past 50 years. Schemes and policies have ranged from being pro to anti-natalist, they have involved educational and financial incentives and have targeted different socioeconomic groups. Certain policies have been highly contested and as a result were stopped.
Wong and Yeoh (2003) identified the years 1966-1982 as the anti-natalist phase. This era was characterised by rapid development, where the city-state’s main aim was to ‘improve the standards of living’ (Wong and Yeoh 2003:6). Slogans such as 'Take your time to say yes' were used to encourage couples to delay their weddings and not rush to start a family. Benefits were offered to parents who had voluntarily been sterilised and there was a general push for couples to stop after two children (See: http://www.sgpolitics.net/picsarchive03/girls.jpg) The government’s desire for Singapore to enter the global arena (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/04/what-if-singapore-had-not-become-world.html) meant that they were trying to attract foreign investment and talent whilst simultaneously coping with housing shortages. As a result, the Singapore Family Planning and Population Board was primarily focused on reaching 0 population growth.
The next phase, known as the Eugenics, occurred from 1983-1986. As women’s rights gradually began to mirror men’s there was a concern that educated women were starting families later or worse still, not reproducing. Following the belief that ‘intelligence is genetically inherited’, the former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was fearful for Singapore’s prospects as the less educated and less intelligent were having the majority of children (Wong and Yeoh 2003:8). In 1984 the ‘Graduate Mother Scheme’ was initiated (Family and Life 2014). Highly educated women who had 3 children or more were entitled to tax relief and access to the country’s best schools, at the same time, a $10000 incentive was offered to women below 30 with no ‘O’ levels if they chose to be sterilised after their first or second child (Wong and Yeoh 2003:9). As you read through these policies it’s hard to not be shocked that such blatant favouritism was being planned. The policy would not only have separated less and highly educated members of society, but also would have contributed to racial segregation as it was widely known that the Chinese were generally more highly educated. The policy was abolished in the same year as members of the public complained about its discriminatory stance (Family and Life 2014).
As fears of an ageing population loom large over Singapore, more recent policies have been pro-natalist and there are many housing policies that aid married couples (Wong and Yeoh 2003:17). First time HDB buyers are allowed to rent whilst waiting for their flat to be built, this is to encourage couples to start having children sooner rather than having to wait for their new homes. The government has also introduced tax rebates for couples with 2-4 children.
This brief overview of Singapore’s policies also highlights how gendered population control can be. For example, it seems that there is an underlying thought that a problem was created once women gained equal rights in the work place. However, it would be unfair to place the burden of fertility rates solely on women who have every right to a full-time career. It must also be mentioned that policies take on the assumption that all Singaporeans will conform to the traditional notion of family. There is little attention paid to single-parent households and homosexual couples who adopt or have children. Overall, however, we can see how Singapore has used fertility policies to benefit the economy and the country’s rapid development.
Family and Life (2014) 'Singapore Fertility Story', [Online], [Accessed 25 April 2015] Available from: http://familyandlife.sg/Slice/2014/06/Singapore_Fertility_Story
Wong T and B. S. A Yeoh (2003) 'Fertility and the Family: An Overview of Pro-natalist Population Policies in Singapore', AsiaMeta Centre Research Paper Series, 12, 1-26.
Friday, 10 April 2015
What if Singapore had not become a world city...
Some insights following trips to the City Gallery (http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/citygallery/) and Marina Bay City Gallery (https://www.marina-bay.sg/marinabaycitygallery.html). This post is based on an assignment that I completed as part of my 'Cities in Transition' course here at NUS.
In the 20th Century, Singapore, like many cities, has been concerned with etching its way into the global arena. To do so the state deployed policies and created extensive long-term Concept and shorter term Master Plans in order to secure the city’s success. Singapore is now considered an Alpha + city on the GaWC index as it acts as an economic link between financial regions and states within Asia Pacific (GaWC 2015). It’s path to development has been fast paced and Singapore is now a renowned business, tourism and trading hub, rivalling nearby Asian cities such as Hong Kong.
As Singapore has developed, attracting foreign workers and tourists has become “a central focus of its wider goals to become a truly cosmopolitan city” (Beaverstock 2012:248). I believe this desire has impacted the development of the built environment as well as population issues relating to social polarisation. Throughout this post I will explore how Singapore’s desire to become a world city has shaped its growth and what the city may have become if it had not sought to feature prominently at the global level. Using the Urban Redevelopment Authority’s narrative, I hope to understand not only how Singapore’s development has occurred, but also how the state chooses to depict it.
During its development Singapore underwent dramatic place-marketing in an attempt to impress foreign audiences (Chang and Huang 2008). A plan was required that would be “visually stunning enough to propel Marina Bay into the global arena” (Yap 2013: 397). It is my belief that the vistas created around Marina Bay would not have been so dramatic had the city not wanted to become a world city. Perhaps locals could have been given a bigger voice in planning the bay if it were intended to cater more towards the needs of citizens. Overall, despite many displays in the City Gallery showcasing the involvement of local people in Singapore’s development, the reality is that people were often only able to provide feedback on a list of pre-selected options (Yap 2013). Perhaps with greater citizen involvement, place-making would have been easier for locals, moreover, the city’s soul would have had a more authentic and ‘Asian’ feel.
The importance of conserving Singapore’s heritage was realised when the government understood that it was a way for national identities to “be expressed on domestic and international stages in pursuit of political ends” (Henderson 2011: 47). Historic districts in Singapore, such as Little India represent the city’s history but nowadays tourists, migrant workers and locals frequent the area. As these areas have become more popular people fear they have been commodified and adapted towards tourists’ needs. This has increased rental prices, which has “seen original businesses replaced by themed businesses” and takes away from the area’s authenticity (Hall and Barrett 2012:146).
Singapore’s development plans succeeded in attracting talented overseas workers. Baum (1999:1104) has looked at Singapore’s changing income structure and found that the country has not followed the “social polarisation thesis”; instead it’s taken the root of professionalisation. However, due to the influx of expatriates there is a demand for low skilled workers. Singapore’s desire to become a world city has thus allowed for income polarisation to exist between migrant workers, even if there has been a rise in the Singaporean middle class.
Overall, the URA galleries offer insight into the country’s rapid development in an artistic, interesting and interactive manner. However, it seems that certain issues are simplified and some positives are overemphasised which is important to remember when visiting.
Baum S (1999) Social Transformation in the Global City: Singapore, Urban Studies, 36, 7, 1095-1117.
Beaverstock, JV (2012) Highly skilled international labour migration and world cities: expatriates, executives and entrepreneurs. In Derudder B, Hoyler M, Taylor P J and Witlox F (eds) International handbook of Globalization and World Cities, 240-251. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham.
Chang T, Huang S (2008) Geographies of everywhere and nowhere: place-(un)making in a world city, International Development Planning Review, 30, 3, 227–47.
Global and World Cities (2012) The World According to GaWC 2012, Available at: http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/world2012t.html [Accessed 5 Mar 2015].
Hall T, Barrett H (2012) Urban Geography 4th Edition, Routledge: London.
Henderson, J (2011) Understanding and using built heritage: Singapore’s national monuments and conservation areas, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 17, 1, 46-61.
Yap, E (2013) The transnational assembling of Marina Bay, Singapore. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 34,3, 390-406.
In the 20th Century, Singapore, like many cities, has been concerned with etching its way into the global arena. To do so the state deployed policies and created extensive long-term Concept and shorter term Master Plans in order to secure the city’s success. Singapore is now considered an Alpha + city on the GaWC index as it acts as an economic link between financial regions and states within Asia Pacific (GaWC 2015). It’s path to development has been fast paced and Singapore is now a renowned business, tourism and trading hub, rivalling nearby Asian cities such as Hong Kong.
As Singapore has developed, attracting foreign workers and tourists has become “a central focus of its wider goals to become a truly cosmopolitan city” (Beaverstock 2012:248). I believe this desire has impacted the development of the built environment as well as population issues relating to social polarisation. Throughout this post I will explore how Singapore’s desire to become a world city has shaped its growth and what the city may have become if it had not sought to feature prominently at the global level. Using the Urban Redevelopment Authority’s narrative, I hope to understand not only how Singapore’s development has occurred, but also how the state chooses to depict it.
During its development Singapore underwent dramatic place-marketing in an attempt to impress foreign audiences (Chang and Huang 2008). A plan was required that would be “visually stunning enough to propel Marina Bay into the global arena” (Yap 2013: 397). It is my belief that the vistas created around Marina Bay would not have been so dramatic had the city not wanted to become a world city. Perhaps locals could have been given a bigger voice in planning the bay if it were intended to cater more towards the needs of citizens. Overall, despite many displays in the City Gallery showcasing the involvement of local people in Singapore’s development, the reality is that people were often only able to provide feedback on a list of pre-selected options (Yap 2013). Perhaps with greater citizen involvement, place-making would have been easier for locals, moreover, the city’s soul would have had a more authentic and ‘Asian’ feel.
 |
| The view across Marina Bay Sands |
Singapore’s development plans succeeded in attracting talented overseas workers. Baum (1999:1104) has looked at Singapore’s changing income structure and found that the country has not followed the “social polarisation thesis”; instead it’s taken the root of professionalisation. However, due to the influx of expatriates there is a demand for low skilled workers. Singapore’s desire to become a world city has thus allowed for income polarisation to exist between migrant workers, even if there has been a rise in the Singaporean middle class.
Overall, the URA galleries offer insight into the country’s rapid development in an artistic, interesting and interactive manner. However, it seems that certain issues are simplified and some positives are overemphasised which is important to remember when visiting.
Baum S (1999) Social Transformation in the Global City: Singapore, Urban Studies, 36, 7, 1095-1117.
Beaverstock, JV (2012) Highly skilled international labour migration and world cities: expatriates, executives and entrepreneurs. In Derudder B, Hoyler M, Taylor P J and Witlox F (eds) International handbook of Globalization and World Cities, 240-251. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham.
Chang T, Huang S (2008) Geographies of everywhere and nowhere: place-(un)making in a world city, International Development Planning Review, 30, 3, 227–47.
Global and World Cities (2012) The World According to GaWC 2012, Available at: http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/world2012t.html [Accessed 5 Mar 2015].
Hall T, Barrett H (2012) Urban Geography 4th Edition, Routledge: London.
Henderson, J (2011) Understanding and using built heritage: Singapore’s national monuments and conservation areas, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 17, 1, 46-61.
Yap, E (2013) The transnational assembling of Marina Bay, Singapore. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 34,3, 390-406.
Wednesday, 18 February 2015
Bukit Brown Chinese Cemetery: the significance of deathscapes in Singapore
On the 7th of February I went along to the Bukit Brown cemetery to take part in a field trip for my course ‘The Geographies of Life and Death’. The excursion aimed to introduce us to two concepts that human geographers have increasingly turned to in the quest to better understand population geography. These terms are biopolitics and governmentality, and are associated with the late French philosopher Michel Foucault.
Bukit Brown cemetery has recently seen an increase in attention as part of it has been selected as the site for a new 8-lane highway in Singapore. The government claims to need to build this road to alleviate congestion in the surrounding areas. There are also several plans in place to build housing estates, which will in turn incur greater losses to the cemetery. The cemetery is of great significance to Singaporeans; it is a site that symbolises the country’s Chinese heritage and is where many of the first Singaporeans were buried. Nowadays it is a place where the living return to pay respects to their ancestors and carry out traditional rituals, the site is also used recreationally by dog walkers, runners and more. In addition the area is also environmentally important; it acts as a carbon sink, rainfall catchment area and area of natural biodiversity.
My lecturer runs field trips here, as she believes that the conflict over whether dead should retain any rights or if the needs of the living should be put first, demonstrates a biopolitical issue. Many would argue that the site should be kept in honour of Singapore’s heritage. It gives Singaporeans a sense of belonging and connects them to their roots. Yet, the government’s decision to make use of Bukit brown has been portrayed as highly important to the future of Singapore. The government’s plans are quick, however, to forget what may be important to Singaporean’s sense of place and identity. My lecturer informed us that prior to the 1970’s many people who lived in the local Kampongs (villages) worked as cemetery caretakers as they lived close by. As HDB (housing development board) housing was erected people moved away and started to become more detached from their heritage. To many people, the destruction of Bukit Brown would symbolise the lack of respect that the Singapore Gahmen (government) has for anything historic that cannot be commercialised. Regardless of what happens the controversy surrounding Bukit Brown has been important for civil society activists in Singapore as they have proved that with determination and persistence, their voices can be heard.
The concept of governmentality; the idea that individuals can be guided into acting in accordance with societal norms, has also been discussed in a Singaporean context. In class I have spoken to my Singaporean friends about the types of societal norms that have been reinforced with government policies. One example that struck me was that for a single Singaporean to buy their own HDB flat (80% of Singaporeans live in HDB flats), they must be over the age of 35 (Housing Development Board 2014). Singapore has an ageing population and as a result many policies are now focusing on encouraging Singaporeans to marry and have children. Therefore, making housing less accessible to those who are single reinforces the idea that one needs to find a spouse. Overall, my module and Singapore in general have enabled me to have a fuller understanding of the terms biopolitics and govermentality.
Housing and Development Board, Singapore Government (2014) 'Public Housing in Singapore' [Online], [Accessed 10 January 2015] Available from: http://www.hdb.gov.sg/fi10/fi10320p.nsf/w/AboutUsPublicHousing?OpenDocument
Bukit Brown cemetery has recently seen an increase in attention as part of it has been selected as the site for a new 8-lane highway in Singapore. The government claims to need to build this road to alleviate congestion in the surrounding areas. There are also several plans in place to build housing estates, which will in turn incur greater losses to the cemetery. The cemetery is of great significance to Singaporeans; it is a site that symbolises the country’s Chinese heritage and is where many of the first Singaporeans were buried. Nowadays it is a place where the living return to pay respects to their ancestors and carry out traditional rituals, the site is also used recreationally by dog walkers, runners and more. In addition the area is also environmentally important; it acts as a carbon sink, rainfall catchment area and area of natural biodiversity.
 |
| Bukit Brown Cemetery |
 |
| Traditional Chinese Grave at Bukit Brown Cemetery |
Housing and Development Board, Singapore Government (2014) 'Public Housing in Singapore' [Online], [Accessed 10 January 2015] Available from: http://www.hdb.gov.sg/fi10/fi10320p.nsf/w/AboutUsPublicHousing?OpenDocument
Thursday, 29 January 2015
Media Writing in Singapore
In the summer before I moved to Singapore I interned for a London based start-up where I was engaging with a variety of projects. Although I learnt a lot on the job and found that many of my geographical skills translated well into the workplace, I realised that it would be beneficial for me to learn some more practical skills.
My course on writing for media offered me the chance to develop such skills. Over the semester I built up my skill set, learning how to create info-graphics, press releases and news reports as well as improving my ability to write under pressure. The course was challenging at times and I often found myself reflecting on the importance of media.
As a human geographer, books, journals and research papers form the basis of my studies. Aside from textbooks, most of the material that I come across is written in order to make an argument. Information is provided to make a particular point that the author deems important. Similarly, when I am faced with an essay title I prepare for it by reading and digesting appropriate information, so that I may find a critical way to answer the given question. Due to this, my writing skills are honed to crafting arguments and points and it is for this reason that I initially found writing for media hard. As a journalist, one must find a way to relay all the possible information in a logical, concise and unbiased way. At first it was tough to adapt my writing style in order to create a news report in Reuters style (one sentence per paragraph). My sentences were lengthy and littered with emotive words that were both inappropriate and likely to sway opinions. Throughout the course, my teacher stressed to all of us the importance of writing so that the media outlet remains neutral on the topic, however in reality I realised that this is not the case for many of the world’s media sources. For most members of society, newspapers and news programmes are their primary source of information, yet, even long established organisations make errors. See: http://www.theguardian.com/media/2015/jan/18/fox-news-apologises-terror-pundit-birmingham-muslim-comments as a recent example of a news outlet misinforming their viewers to an extreme degree. Moreover, I realised the extent to which news outlets have the power to portray and manipulate information so that it supports political agendas.
Studying this course in Singapore also brought other issues to my attention, namely press freedom. In 2014, Reporters Without Borders ranked Singapore as 150th out of 180 countries on its World Press Freedom Index (Reporters Without Borders 2014). For an MEDC this is shocking, however many people familiar with the country might know that most of the media is either managed or indirectly controlled by the government. It is clear that in Singapore there are people who are concerned about this restriction. The Facebook page “Wake Up, Singapore” was started in 2013 and aims to give Singaporeans a voice, as well as enlighten citizens about issues they feel are not publicised enough. However, despite efforts like these it seems unlikely that Singapore will change its regulations any time soon.
Reporters Without Borders (2014) 'Press Freedom Index 2013' [Online], [Accessed 26 January 2015] Available from: http://rsf.org/index2014/en-index2014.php
Wake Up, Singapore (2013) [Online], [Accessed 26 January 2015] Available from: https://www.facebook.com/wakeupSG/timeline
My course on writing for media offered me the chance to develop such skills. Over the semester I built up my skill set, learning how to create info-graphics, press releases and news reports as well as improving my ability to write under pressure. The course was challenging at times and I often found myself reflecting on the importance of media.
As a human geographer, books, journals and research papers form the basis of my studies. Aside from textbooks, most of the material that I come across is written in order to make an argument. Information is provided to make a particular point that the author deems important. Similarly, when I am faced with an essay title I prepare for it by reading and digesting appropriate information, so that I may find a critical way to answer the given question. Due to this, my writing skills are honed to crafting arguments and points and it is for this reason that I initially found writing for media hard. As a journalist, one must find a way to relay all the possible information in a logical, concise and unbiased way. At first it was tough to adapt my writing style in order to create a news report in Reuters style (one sentence per paragraph). My sentences were lengthy and littered with emotive words that were both inappropriate and likely to sway opinions. Throughout the course, my teacher stressed to all of us the importance of writing so that the media outlet remains neutral on the topic, however in reality I realised that this is not the case for many of the world’s media sources. For most members of society, newspapers and news programmes are their primary source of information, yet, even long established organisations make errors. See: http://www.theguardian.com/media/2015/jan/18/fox-news-apologises-terror-pundit-birmingham-muslim-comments as a recent example of a news outlet misinforming their viewers to an extreme degree. Moreover, I realised the extent to which news outlets have the power to portray and manipulate information so that it supports political agendas.
Studying this course in Singapore also brought other issues to my attention, namely press freedom. In 2014, Reporters Without Borders ranked Singapore as 150th out of 180 countries on its World Press Freedom Index (Reporters Without Borders 2014). For an MEDC this is shocking, however many people familiar with the country might know that most of the media is either managed or indirectly controlled by the government. It is clear that in Singapore there are people who are concerned about this restriction. The Facebook page “Wake Up, Singapore” was started in 2013 and aims to give Singaporeans a voice, as well as enlighten citizens about issues they feel are not publicised enough. However, despite efforts like these it seems unlikely that Singapore will change its regulations any time soon.
Reporters Without Borders (2014) 'Press Freedom Index 2013' [Online], [Accessed 26 January 2015] Available from: http://rsf.org/index2014/en-index2014.php
Wake Up, Singapore (2013) [Online], [Accessed 26 January 2015] Available from: https://www.facebook.com/wakeupSG/timeline
Thursday, 22 January 2015
A personal and academic exploration of Chinese Culture
My decision to spend a year in Singapore was founded on a strong desire to experience living in Asia. My own heritage coupled with an overall interest in this part of the world were my two main motivations when applying to NUS. In addition, the chance to experience this part of the world from both an academic and personal perspective seemed like an opportunity that could not be missed. During this first semester I have engaged with Chinese language, history and culture in several ways.
The most obvious way that this has occurred has been through learning Mandarin, which has been difficult yet highly rewarding. I have found that the Singaporean style of weekly assessment has aided my progress immensely and has given me a strong foundation, which I hope to build upon in the future. Learning about the history behind certain Chinese characters has provided me with insight into China’s past. As an example the Chinese character for ‘surname’ is made up of two components, one parts means ‘woman’ and the other means ‘giving birth’. This character dates back to a time in Chinese history when recognition was only given to women in the family and surnames followed the maternal line.
Throughout the course I have also had several thoughts about Mandarin and its influence on ‘Singlish’, the Singaporean dialect. Once common phrase that Singaporeans use is “can-cannot?” when asking if something is possible. This, I have come to realise, has arisen from a Chinese way of forming questions, where the affirmative and negative forms of the predicate are placed next to each other in the sentence. Overall I have found that learning Chinese has allowed me to better understand aspects of Singaporean culture that I previously found bizarre and confusing.
Whilst in Singapore I have had the opportunity to familiarise myself with Chinese legends and folklore. One place that many people told me to visit was Haw Par Villa, as they said it would provide a quirky and entertaining afternoon out as well a lesson in Chinese mythology. The brothers who created ‘Tiger Balm’ built this theme park in 1937; it was intended as a place where traditional Chinese values could be taught. Although the park has since become quite run down, the ‘Ten Courts of Hell’ still offers a very graphic and detailed explanation of the Taoist and Buddhist depictions of hell. Although I was shocked by some of the dioramas I certainly learnt a lot more about mythology than if I had just read about it online. My knowledge of Taoism and Buddhism has since expanded through my World Religions module, and I have fortunately learnt about much less gruesome aspects of the religions.
The most obvious way that this has occurred has been through learning Mandarin, which has been difficult yet highly rewarding. I have found that the Singaporean style of weekly assessment has aided my progress immensely and has given me a strong foundation, which I hope to build upon in the future. Learning about the history behind certain Chinese characters has provided me with insight into China’s past. As an example the Chinese character for ‘surname’ is made up of two components, one parts means ‘woman’ and the other means ‘giving birth’. This character dates back to a time in Chinese history when recognition was only given to women in the family and surnames followed the maternal line.
Throughout the course I have also had several thoughts about Mandarin and its influence on ‘Singlish’, the Singaporean dialect. Once common phrase that Singaporeans use is “can-cannot?” when asking if something is possible. This, I have come to realise, has arisen from a Chinese way of forming questions, where the affirmative and negative forms of the predicate are placed next to each other in the sentence. Overall I have found that learning Chinese has allowed me to better understand aspects of Singaporean culture that I previously found bizarre and confusing.
Whilst in Singapore I have had the opportunity to familiarise myself with Chinese legends and folklore. One place that many people told me to visit was Haw Par Villa, as they said it would provide a quirky and entertaining afternoon out as well a lesson in Chinese mythology. The brothers who created ‘Tiger Balm’ built this theme park in 1937; it was intended as a place where traditional Chinese values could be taught. Although the park has since become quite run down, the ‘Ten Courts of Hell’ still offers a very graphic and detailed explanation of the Taoist and Buddhist depictions of hell. Although I was shocked by some of the dioramas I certainly learnt a lot more about mythology than if I had just read about it online. My knowledge of Taoism and Buddhism has since expanded through my World Religions module, and I have fortunately learnt about much less gruesome aspects of the religions.
Sunday, 9 November 2014
The Bell Curve: How it affects more than just your grade
While studying at NUS I have been surprised with how different both the teaching style and class/lecture can be compared to UCL. I believe that this is partly due to my choice to study Mandarin and Media Writing; two subjects that realistically cannot be compared to Geography. However, after discussions with friends who are also on exchange here, I began to realise that this different atmosphere is something that many of us felt.
At home it is not uncommon to discuss coursework and assignments with friends, it is even normal to review readings together and share lecture notes. Despite grades being a slightly taboo subject matter, it is never of great concern to me how my grades may differ to my friends. We each put in as much work as we deem appropriate and our grades reflect our effort, intellect and insight, regardless of how other students in the module have fared.
At NUS most grades are calculated using the Gaussian function, which is informally known as the bell curve. This means that your overall score is dependent on how others in your module performed. In a blog post written in 2012 by NUS’ provost, it was explained that the need to modify grades is partly due to the varied backgrounds of the examiners. Therefore the moderation “helps to achieve consistency in assessment grading across all modules” (NUS Provost’s Office 2012). Although I understand that this may contribute to a fairer grading system, there are still aspects of the grading process that I do not consider to be very just. For example, the university does not adopt anonymous marking. On a more positive note, it would appear that the bell curve makes it quite difficult for a student to fail a module. However, it also makes it much more difficult to achieve a high grade, as approximately 68% of students will fall within the average range (1 standard deviation from the mean), even if the calibre of each student’s work is impressive.
Aside from the effect that the bell curve may have on students’ grades, it is clear that this system is the root cause of the competitive atmosphere felt in classes. At NUS it is more common to be assigned group work, and I’ve noticed that in modules where we are not given group tasks students are not inclined to support one another. What’s more, the lack of anonymous marking means that students are always more eager to befriend the tutors and lecturers. Therefore, at times class discussions can feel like a competition over who can voice their opinion the loudest. Class debates become a little forced and occasionally it seems that less thought is put into people’s responses, as the main concern is simply to be heard. This may also be due to being awarded marks for class participation. Altogether, I find the assessment system here to be much less objective than UCL’s. Although I never expected my academic experience at NUS to mirror the past two years, I did not anticipate that I would find the atmosphere so different. Put simply: I will be glad to return to the friendly and collaborative Geography Department at UCL.
Provost Office (2012) 'The Bell Curve', 20 January, The NUS provost contemplates, [Online], [Accessed 8 November 2014], Available from: http://blog.nus.edu.sg/provost/2012/01/20/the-bell-curve/
At home it is not uncommon to discuss coursework and assignments with friends, it is even normal to review readings together and share lecture notes. Despite grades being a slightly taboo subject matter, it is never of great concern to me how my grades may differ to my friends. We each put in as much work as we deem appropriate and our grades reflect our effort, intellect and insight, regardless of how other students in the module have fared.
At NUS most grades are calculated using the Gaussian function, which is informally known as the bell curve. This means that your overall score is dependent on how others in your module performed. In a blog post written in 2012 by NUS’ provost, it was explained that the need to modify grades is partly due to the varied backgrounds of the examiners. Therefore the moderation “helps to achieve consistency in assessment grading across all modules” (NUS Provost’s Office 2012). Although I understand that this may contribute to a fairer grading system, there are still aspects of the grading process that I do not consider to be very just. For example, the university does not adopt anonymous marking. On a more positive note, it would appear that the bell curve makes it quite difficult for a student to fail a module. However, it also makes it much more difficult to achieve a high grade, as approximately 68% of students will fall within the average range (1 standard deviation from the mean), even if the calibre of each student’s work is impressive.
Aside from the effect that the bell curve may have on students’ grades, it is clear that this system is the root cause of the competitive atmosphere felt in classes. At NUS it is more common to be assigned group work, and I’ve noticed that in modules where we are not given group tasks students are not inclined to support one another. What’s more, the lack of anonymous marking means that students are always more eager to befriend the tutors and lecturers. Therefore, at times class discussions can feel like a competition over who can voice their opinion the loudest. Class debates become a little forced and occasionally it seems that less thought is put into people’s responses, as the main concern is simply to be heard. This may also be due to being awarded marks for class participation. Altogether, I find the assessment system here to be much less objective than UCL’s. Although I never expected my academic experience at NUS to mirror the past two years, I did not anticipate that I would find the atmosphere so different. Put simply: I will be glad to return to the friendly and collaborative Geography Department at UCL.
Provost Office (2012) 'The Bell Curve', 20 January, The NUS provost contemplates, [Online], [Accessed 8 November 2014], Available from: http://blog.nus.edu.sg/provost/2012/01/20/the-bell-curve/
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)