Fertility policies in Singapore and their biopolitical agendas

Further to my post on the significance of deathscapes in Singapore (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/02/bukit-brown-chinese-cemetery.html), I have decided to explore the role that the government's biopolitical agendas have had in shaping Singapore’s fertility policies over the years.

Women’s bodies, some argue, have become sites of reproduction where over-fertility can lead to overpopulation and under-fertility is linked to an ageing population. Both problems have been addressed in Singapore over the past 50 years. Schemes and policies have ranged from being pro to anti-natalist, they have involved educational and financial incentives and have targeted different socioeconomic groups. Certain policies have been highly contested and as a result were stopped.

Wong and Yeoh (2003) identified the years 1966-1982 as the anti-natalist phase. This era was characterised by rapid development, where the city-state’s main aim was to ‘improve the standards of living’ (Wong and Yeoh 2003:6). Slogans such as 'Take your time to say yes' were used to encourage couples to delay their weddings and not rush to start a family. Benefits were offered to parents who had voluntarily been sterilised and there was a general push for couples to stop after two children (See: http://www.sgpolitics.net/picsarchive03/girls.jpg)  The government’s desire for Singapore to enter the global arena (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/04/what-if-singapore-had-not-become-world.html) meant that they were trying to attract foreign investment and talent whilst simultaneously coping with housing shortages. As a result, the Singapore Family Planning and Population Board was primarily focused on reaching 0 population growth.

The next phase, known as the Eugenics, occurred from 1983-1986. As women’s rights gradually began to mirror men’s there was a concern that educated women were starting families later or worse still, not reproducing. Following the belief that ‘intelligence is genetically inherited’, the former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was fearful for Singapore’s prospects as the less educated and less intelligent were having the majority of children (Wong and Yeoh 2003:8). In 1984 the ‘Graduate Mother Scheme’ was initiated (Family and Life 2014). Highly educated women who had 3 children or more were entitled to tax relief and access to the country’s best schools, at the same time, a $10000 incentive was offered to women below 30 with no ‘O’ levels if they chose to be sterilised after their first or second child (Wong and Yeoh 2003:9). As you read through these policies it’s hard to not be shocked that such blatant favouritism was being planned. The policy would not only have separated less and highly educated members of society, but also would have contributed to racial segregation as it was widely known that the Chinese were generally more highly educated. The policy was abolished in the same year as members of the public complained about its discriminatory stance (Family and Life 2014).

As fears of an ageing population loom large over Singapore, more recent policies have been pro-natalist and there are many housing policies that aid married couples (Wong and Yeoh 2003:17). First time HDB buyers are allowed to rent whilst waiting for their flat to be built, this is to encourage couples to start having children sooner rather than having to wait for their new homes. The government has also introduced tax rebates for couples with 2-4 children.

This brief overview of Singapore’s policies also highlights how gendered population control can be. For example, it seems that there is an underlying thought that a problem was created once women gained equal rights in the work place. However, it would be unfair to place the burden of fertility rates solely on women who have every right to a full-time career. It must also be mentioned that policies take on the assumption that all Singaporeans will conform to the traditional notion of family. There is little attention paid to single-parent households and homosexual couples who adopt or have children. Overall, however, we can see how Singapore has used fertility policies to benefit the economy and the country’s rapid development.

Family and Life (2014) 'Singapore Fertility Story', [Online], [Accessed 25 April 2015] Available from: http://familyandlife.sg/Slice/2014/06/Singapore_Fertility_Story

Wong T and B. S. A Yeoh (2003) 'Fertility and the Family: An Overview of Pro-natalist Population Policies in Singapore', AsiaMeta Centre Research Paper Series, 12, 1-26.