What if Singapore had not become a world city...

Some insights following trips to the City Gallery (http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/citygallery/) and Marina Bay City Gallery (https://www.marina-bay.sg/marinabaycitygallery.html).  This post is based on an assignment that I completed as part of my 'Cities in Transition' course here at NUS.

In the 20th Century, Singapore, like many cities, has been concerned with etching its way into the global arena. To do so the state deployed policies and created extensive long-term Concept and shorter term Master Plans in order to secure the city’s success. Singapore is now considered an Alpha + city on the GaWC index as it acts as an economic link between financial regions and states within Asia Pacific (GaWC 2015). It’s path to development has been fast paced and Singapore is now a renowned business, tourism and trading hub, rivalling nearby Asian cities such as Hong Kong.

As Singapore has developed, attracting foreign workers and tourists has become “a central focus of its wider goals to become a truly cosmopolitan city” (Beaverstock 2012:248). I believe this desire has impacted the development of the built environment as well as population issues relating to social polarisation. Throughout this post I will explore how Singapore’s desire to become a world city has shaped its growth and what the city may have become if it had not sought to feature prominently at the global level. Using the Urban Redevelopment Authority’s narrative, I hope to understand not only how Singapore’s development has occurred, but also how the state chooses to depict it.

During its development Singapore underwent dramatic place-marketing in an attempt to impress foreign audiences (Chang and Huang 2008). A plan was required that would be “visually stunning enough to propel Marina Bay into the global arena” (Yap 2013: 397). It is my belief that the vistas created around Marina Bay would not have been so dramatic had the city not wanted to become a world city. Perhaps locals could have been given a bigger voice in planning the bay if it were intended to cater more towards the needs of citizens. Overall, despite many displays in the City Gallery showcasing the involvement of local people in Singapore’s development, the reality is that people were often only able to provide feedback on a list of pre-selected options (Yap 2013). Perhaps with greater citizen involvement, place-making would have been easier for locals, moreover, the city’s soul would have had a more authentic and ‘Asian’ feel.

The view across Marina Bay Sands

The importance of conserving Singapore’s heritage was realised when the government understood that it was a way for national identities to “be expressed on domestic and international stages in pursuit of political ends” (Henderson 2011: 47). Historic districts in Singapore, such as Little India represent the city’s history but nowadays tourists, migrant workers and locals frequent the area. As these areas have become more popular people fear they have been commodified and adapted towards tourists’ needs. This has increased rental prices, which has “seen original businesses replaced by themed businesses” and takes away from the area’s authenticity (Hall and Barrett 2012:146).

Singapore’s development plans succeeded in attracting talented overseas workers. Baum (1999:1104) has looked at Singapore’s changing income structure and found that the country has not followed the “social polarisation thesis”; instead it’s taken the root of professionalisation. However, due to the influx of expatriates there is a demand for low skilled workers. Singapore’s desire to become a world city has thus allowed for income polarisation to exist between migrant workers, even if there has been a rise in the Singaporean middle class.

Overall, the URA galleries offer insight into the country’s rapid development in an artistic, interesting and interactive manner. However, it seems that certain issues are simplified and some positives are overemphasised which is important to remember when visiting.

Baum S (1999) Social Transformation in the Global City: Singapore, Urban Studies, 36, 7, 1095-1117.

Beaverstock, JV (2012) Highly skilled international labour migration and world cities: expatriates, executives and entrepreneurs. In Derudder B, Hoyler M, Taylor P J and Witlox F (eds) International handbook of Globalization and World Cities, 240-251. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham.

Chang T, Huang S (2008) Geographies of everywhere and nowhere: place-(un)making in a world city, International Development Planning Review, 30, 3, 227–47.

Global and World Cities (2012) The World According to GaWC 2012, Available at: http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/world2012t.html [Accessed 5 Mar 2015].

Hall T, Barrett H (2012) Urban Geography 4th Edition, Routledge: London.

Henderson, J (2011) Understanding and using built heritage: Singapore’s national monuments and conservation areas, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 17, 1, 46-61.

Yap, E (2013) The transnational assembling of Marina Bay, Singapore. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 34,3, 390-406.