“Why hasn’t anyone said ‘fuck yeah the guy is dead, Lee Kuan Yew was a horrible person’.. because everyone is scared, everyone is afraid that if they say something like that they might get into trouble which, give Lee Kuan Yew credit, that was primarily the impact of his legacy, but I’m not afraid, so if Lee Hsien Loong wishes to sue me, I will oblige to dance with him.” - (Yee 2015)
Amos Yee, a 16 year old Singaporean, made the news when four days after the death of the country’s founding father, he uploaded a video entitled ‘Lee Kuan Yew is finally dead!’ (See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TZPdM3xn24). In 8 minutes and 39 seconds Yee discusses his reasons for detesting the late former prime minister, compares him to Jesus whilst attacking Christianity and uses a string of statistics to demonstrate why he believes the country is severely unequal despite its MEDC status. Following the upload, multiple police reports were filed against Yee who was later arrested.
The death of Lee Kuan Yew resonated loudly across the country, although sadness was felt among Singaporeans, it was also clear that a huge sense of pride for their short but impressive history was further invoked. Moreover, both the young and old were heavily affected by his passing. Respects were paid online and in person as citizens queued up at the Padang to see Lee Kuan Yew in the days before the state funeral, which took place on the 29th of March at my host university.
Many have commented online about the situation involving Amos Yee, suggesting that the government’s choice to arrest him actually enabled him to prove his point. In a post I wrote last year I looked at Singapore’s rank in the Reporters Without Borders’ world press freedom index; this year Singapore ranked 153rd out of 180 countries (Abernethy 2015). What’s more it has not been uncommon for people producing online content critiquing the Singapore government to be prosecuted (Abernethy 2015). Aside from demonstrating the lack of freedom of speech in Singapore, the criminalisation of Amos Yee raises questions as to why the government felt so threatened by the opinions of a 16 year old. It must be said that his commentary was slightly distasteful at times and his comments made against Christianity have caused offence, yet his arrest perhaps demonstrates the government’s growing fears of a grass roots rebellion against the state.
Whether agreeing or disagreeing with Amos Yee’s opinions, most people would ascertain that he has a right to voice them. Singapore has come a tremendous way in the past 50 years and the country owes a lot to their late founding father, however, the city’s future may be limited in many ways if people’s right to speak freely is not granted.
Abernethy, L (2015) Singapore teenager charged over critical Lee Kuan Yew Video, The Guardian, [Online], 31 March, [Accessed 26 April 2015], Available from: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/31/singapore-teenager-amos-yee-pang-sang-charged-critical-lee-kuan-yew-video
Wang, L (2015) Amos Yee – Lee Kuan Yew is Finally Dead!, [Online], [Accessed 26 April 2015], Available from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6TZPdM3xn24 *
* The original video posted on Amos Yee’s Youtube channel has been taken down.
Monday, 27 April 2015
Sunday, 26 April 2015
Fertility policies in Singapore and their biopolitical agendas
Further to my post on the significance of deathscapes in Singapore (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/02/bukit-brown-chinese-cemetery.html), I have decided to explore the role that the government's biopolitical agendas have had in shaping Singapore’s fertility policies over the years.
Women’s bodies, some argue, have become sites of reproduction where over-fertility can lead to overpopulation and under-fertility is linked to an ageing population. Both problems have been addressed in Singapore over the past 50 years. Schemes and policies have ranged from being pro to anti-natalist, they have involved educational and financial incentives and have targeted different socioeconomic groups. Certain policies have been highly contested and as a result were stopped.
Wong and Yeoh (2003) identified the years 1966-1982 as the anti-natalist phase. This era was characterised by rapid development, where the city-state’s main aim was to ‘improve the standards of living’ (Wong and Yeoh 2003:6). Slogans such as 'Take your time to say yes' were used to encourage couples to delay their weddings and not rush to start a family. Benefits were offered to parents who had voluntarily been sterilised and there was a general push for couples to stop after two children (See: http://www.sgpolitics.net/picsarchive03/girls.jpg) The government’s desire for Singapore to enter the global arena (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/04/what-if-singapore-had-not-become-world.html) meant that they were trying to attract foreign investment and talent whilst simultaneously coping with housing shortages. As a result, the Singapore Family Planning and Population Board was primarily focused on reaching 0 population growth.
The next phase, known as the Eugenics, occurred from 1983-1986. As women’s rights gradually began to mirror men’s there was a concern that educated women were starting families later or worse still, not reproducing. Following the belief that ‘intelligence is genetically inherited’, the former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was fearful for Singapore’s prospects as the less educated and less intelligent were having the majority of children (Wong and Yeoh 2003:8). In 1984 the ‘Graduate Mother Scheme’ was initiated (Family and Life 2014). Highly educated women who had 3 children or more were entitled to tax relief and access to the country’s best schools, at the same time, a $10000 incentive was offered to women below 30 with no ‘O’ levels if they chose to be sterilised after their first or second child (Wong and Yeoh 2003:9). As you read through these policies it’s hard to not be shocked that such blatant favouritism was being planned. The policy would not only have separated less and highly educated members of society, but also would have contributed to racial segregation as it was widely known that the Chinese were generally more highly educated. The policy was abolished in the same year as members of the public complained about its discriminatory stance (Family and Life 2014).
As fears of an ageing population loom large over Singapore, more recent policies have been pro-natalist and there are many housing policies that aid married couples (Wong and Yeoh 2003:17). First time HDB buyers are allowed to rent whilst waiting for their flat to be built, this is to encourage couples to start having children sooner rather than having to wait for their new homes. The government has also introduced tax rebates for couples with 2-4 children.
This brief overview of Singapore’s policies also highlights how gendered population control can be. For example, it seems that there is an underlying thought that a problem was created once women gained equal rights in the work place. However, it would be unfair to place the burden of fertility rates solely on women who have every right to a full-time career. It must also be mentioned that policies take on the assumption that all Singaporeans will conform to the traditional notion of family. There is little attention paid to single-parent households and homosexual couples who adopt or have children. Overall, however, we can see how Singapore has used fertility policies to benefit the economy and the country’s rapid development.
Family and Life (2014) 'Singapore Fertility Story', [Online], [Accessed 25 April 2015] Available from: http://familyandlife.sg/Slice/2014/06/Singapore_Fertility_Story
Wong T and B. S. A Yeoh (2003) 'Fertility and the Family: An Overview of Pro-natalist Population Policies in Singapore', AsiaMeta Centre Research Paper Series, 12, 1-26.
Women’s bodies, some argue, have become sites of reproduction where over-fertility can lead to overpopulation and under-fertility is linked to an ageing population. Both problems have been addressed in Singapore over the past 50 years. Schemes and policies have ranged from being pro to anti-natalist, they have involved educational and financial incentives and have targeted different socioeconomic groups. Certain policies have been highly contested and as a result were stopped.
Wong and Yeoh (2003) identified the years 1966-1982 as the anti-natalist phase. This era was characterised by rapid development, where the city-state’s main aim was to ‘improve the standards of living’ (Wong and Yeoh 2003:6). Slogans such as 'Take your time to say yes' were used to encourage couples to delay their weddings and not rush to start a family. Benefits were offered to parents who had voluntarily been sterilised and there was a general push for couples to stop after two children (See: http://www.sgpolitics.net/picsarchive03/girls.jpg) The government’s desire for Singapore to enter the global arena (See: http://swylinsingapore.blogspot.sg/2015/04/what-if-singapore-had-not-become-world.html) meant that they were trying to attract foreign investment and talent whilst simultaneously coping with housing shortages. As a result, the Singapore Family Planning and Population Board was primarily focused on reaching 0 population growth.
The next phase, known as the Eugenics, occurred from 1983-1986. As women’s rights gradually began to mirror men’s there was a concern that educated women were starting families later or worse still, not reproducing. Following the belief that ‘intelligence is genetically inherited’, the former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was fearful for Singapore’s prospects as the less educated and less intelligent were having the majority of children (Wong and Yeoh 2003:8). In 1984 the ‘Graduate Mother Scheme’ was initiated (Family and Life 2014). Highly educated women who had 3 children or more were entitled to tax relief and access to the country’s best schools, at the same time, a $10000 incentive was offered to women below 30 with no ‘O’ levels if they chose to be sterilised after their first or second child (Wong and Yeoh 2003:9). As you read through these policies it’s hard to not be shocked that such blatant favouritism was being planned. The policy would not only have separated less and highly educated members of society, but also would have contributed to racial segregation as it was widely known that the Chinese were generally more highly educated. The policy was abolished in the same year as members of the public complained about its discriminatory stance (Family and Life 2014).
As fears of an ageing population loom large over Singapore, more recent policies have been pro-natalist and there are many housing policies that aid married couples (Wong and Yeoh 2003:17). First time HDB buyers are allowed to rent whilst waiting for their flat to be built, this is to encourage couples to start having children sooner rather than having to wait for their new homes. The government has also introduced tax rebates for couples with 2-4 children.
This brief overview of Singapore’s policies also highlights how gendered population control can be. For example, it seems that there is an underlying thought that a problem was created once women gained equal rights in the work place. However, it would be unfair to place the burden of fertility rates solely on women who have every right to a full-time career. It must also be mentioned that policies take on the assumption that all Singaporeans will conform to the traditional notion of family. There is little attention paid to single-parent households and homosexual couples who adopt or have children. Overall, however, we can see how Singapore has used fertility policies to benefit the economy and the country’s rapid development.
Family and Life (2014) 'Singapore Fertility Story', [Online], [Accessed 25 April 2015] Available from: http://familyandlife.sg/Slice/2014/06/Singapore_Fertility_Story
Wong T and B. S. A Yeoh (2003) 'Fertility and the Family: An Overview of Pro-natalist Population Policies in Singapore', AsiaMeta Centre Research Paper Series, 12, 1-26.
Friday, 10 April 2015
What if Singapore had not become a world city...
Some insights following trips to the City Gallery (http://www.ura.gov.sg/uol/citygallery/) and Marina Bay City Gallery (https://www.marina-bay.sg/marinabaycitygallery.html). This post is based on an assignment that I completed as part of my 'Cities in Transition' course here at NUS.
In the 20th Century, Singapore, like many cities, has been concerned with etching its way into the global arena. To do so the state deployed policies and created extensive long-term Concept and shorter term Master Plans in order to secure the city’s success. Singapore is now considered an Alpha + city on the GaWC index as it acts as an economic link between financial regions and states within Asia Pacific (GaWC 2015). It’s path to development has been fast paced and Singapore is now a renowned business, tourism and trading hub, rivalling nearby Asian cities such as Hong Kong.
As Singapore has developed, attracting foreign workers and tourists has become “a central focus of its wider goals to become a truly cosmopolitan city” (Beaverstock 2012:248). I believe this desire has impacted the development of the built environment as well as population issues relating to social polarisation. Throughout this post I will explore how Singapore’s desire to become a world city has shaped its growth and what the city may have become if it had not sought to feature prominently at the global level. Using the Urban Redevelopment Authority’s narrative, I hope to understand not only how Singapore’s development has occurred, but also how the state chooses to depict it.
During its development Singapore underwent dramatic place-marketing in an attempt to impress foreign audiences (Chang and Huang 2008). A plan was required that would be “visually stunning enough to propel Marina Bay into the global arena” (Yap 2013: 397). It is my belief that the vistas created around Marina Bay would not have been so dramatic had the city not wanted to become a world city. Perhaps locals could have been given a bigger voice in planning the bay if it were intended to cater more towards the needs of citizens. Overall, despite many displays in the City Gallery showcasing the involvement of local people in Singapore’s development, the reality is that people were often only able to provide feedback on a list of pre-selected options (Yap 2013). Perhaps with greater citizen involvement, place-making would have been easier for locals, moreover, the city’s soul would have had a more authentic and ‘Asian’ feel.
The importance of conserving Singapore’s heritage was realised when the government understood that it was a way for national identities to “be expressed on domestic and international stages in pursuit of political ends” (Henderson 2011: 47). Historic districts in Singapore, such as Little India represent the city’s history but nowadays tourists, migrant workers and locals frequent the area. As these areas have become more popular people fear they have been commodified and adapted towards tourists’ needs. This has increased rental prices, which has “seen original businesses replaced by themed businesses” and takes away from the area’s authenticity (Hall and Barrett 2012:146).
Singapore’s development plans succeeded in attracting talented overseas workers. Baum (1999:1104) has looked at Singapore’s changing income structure and found that the country has not followed the “social polarisation thesis”; instead it’s taken the root of professionalisation. However, due to the influx of expatriates there is a demand for low skilled workers. Singapore’s desire to become a world city has thus allowed for income polarisation to exist between migrant workers, even if there has been a rise in the Singaporean middle class.
Overall, the URA galleries offer insight into the country’s rapid development in an artistic, interesting and interactive manner. However, it seems that certain issues are simplified and some positives are overemphasised which is important to remember when visiting.
Baum S (1999) Social Transformation in the Global City: Singapore, Urban Studies, 36, 7, 1095-1117.
Beaverstock, JV (2012) Highly skilled international labour migration and world cities: expatriates, executives and entrepreneurs. In Derudder B, Hoyler M, Taylor P J and Witlox F (eds) International handbook of Globalization and World Cities, 240-251. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham.
Chang T, Huang S (2008) Geographies of everywhere and nowhere: place-(un)making in a world city, International Development Planning Review, 30, 3, 227–47.
Global and World Cities (2012) The World According to GaWC 2012, Available at: http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/world2012t.html [Accessed 5 Mar 2015].
Hall T, Barrett H (2012) Urban Geography 4th Edition, Routledge: London.
Henderson, J (2011) Understanding and using built heritage: Singapore’s national monuments and conservation areas, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 17, 1, 46-61.
Yap, E (2013) The transnational assembling of Marina Bay, Singapore. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 34,3, 390-406.
In the 20th Century, Singapore, like many cities, has been concerned with etching its way into the global arena. To do so the state deployed policies and created extensive long-term Concept and shorter term Master Plans in order to secure the city’s success. Singapore is now considered an Alpha + city on the GaWC index as it acts as an economic link between financial regions and states within Asia Pacific (GaWC 2015). It’s path to development has been fast paced and Singapore is now a renowned business, tourism and trading hub, rivalling nearby Asian cities such as Hong Kong.
As Singapore has developed, attracting foreign workers and tourists has become “a central focus of its wider goals to become a truly cosmopolitan city” (Beaverstock 2012:248). I believe this desire has impacted the development of the built environment as well as population issues relating to social polarisation. Throughout this post I will explore how Singapore’s desire to become a world city has shaped its growth and what the city may have become if it had not sought to feature prominently at the global level. Using the Urban Redevelopment Authority’s narrative, I hope to understand not only how Singapore’s development has occurred, but also how the state chooses to depict it.
During its development Singapore underwent dramatic place-marketing in an attempt to impress foreign audiences (Chang and Huang 2008). A plan was required that would be “visually stunning enough to propel Marina Bay into the global arena” (Yap 2013: 397). It is my belief that the vistas created around Marina Bay would not have been so dramatic had the city not wanted to become a world city. Perhaps locals could have been given a bigger voice in planning the bay if it were intended to cater more towards the needs of citizens. Overall, despite many displays in the City Gallery showcasing the involvement of local people in Singapore’s development, the reality is that people were often only able to provide feedback on a list of pre-selected options (Yap 2013). Perhaps with greater citizen involvement, place-making would have been easier for locals, moreover, the city’s soul would have had a more authentic and ‘Asian’ feel.
 |
| The view across Marina Bay Sands |
Singapore’s development plans succeeded in attracting talented overseas workers. Baum (1999:1104) has looked at Singapore’s changing income structure and found that the country has not followed the “social polarisation thesis”; instead it’s taken the root of professionalisation. However, due to the influx of expatriates there is a demand for low skilled workers. Singapore’s desire to become a world city has thus allowed for income polarisation to exist between migrant workers, even if there has been a rise in the Singaporean middle class.
Overall, the URA galleries offer insight into the country’s rapid development in an artistic, interesting and interactive manner. However, it seems that certain issues are simplified and some positives are overemphasised which is important to remember when visiting.
Baum S (1999) Social Transformation in the Global City: Singapore, Urban Studies, 36, 7, 1095-1117.
Beaverstock, JV (2012) Highly skilled international labour migration and world cities: expatriates, executives and entrepreneurs. In Derudder B, Hoyler M, Taylor P J and Witlox F (eds) International handbook of Globalization and World Cities, 240-251. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham.
Chang T, Huang S (2008) Geographies of everywhere and nowhere: place-(un)making in a world city, International Development Planning Review, 30, 3, 227–47.
Global and World Cities (2012) The World According to GaWC 2012, Available at: http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/world2012t.html [Accessed 5 Mar 2015].
Hall T, Barrett H (2012) Urban Geography 4th Edition, Routledge: London.
Henderson, J (2011) Understanding and using built heritage: Singapore’s national monuments and conservation areas, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 17, 1, 46-61.
Yap, E (2013) The transnational assembling of Marina Bay, Singapore. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 34,3, 390-406.
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